Journal of Anthropology

Volume 2013 (2013), Article ID 258190, 13 pages

http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/258190

Research Article

New Data on Food Consumption in Pre-Hispanic Populations from Northwest Argentina (ca. 1000–1550 A.D.): The Contribution of Carbon and Nitrogen Isotopic Composition of Human Bones

María Soledad Gheggi and Verónica Isabel Williams

CONICET-Instituto de Arqueología, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, 25 de Mayo 217, 3rd floor, C1002ABD Buenos Aires, Argentina

Received 29 April 2013; Revised 18 July 2013; Accepted 22 August 2013

Academic Editor: Maryna Steyn

Copyright © 2013 María Soledad Gheggi and Verónica Isabel Williams. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Abstract.

We present data on carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition of human bones from Tolombón (Calchaqui Valley, Salta) and Esquina de Huajra (Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy) sites located in Northwest Argentina (NWA). Both are complex archaeological residential settlements ascribed to the Regional Development Period (ca. 900–1430 A.D.), the Inca Period (ca. 1430–1536 A.D.), and the Early Colonial Period (ca. 1536–1600 A.D.). Twelve samples of human bones were collected and analyzed, including remains from individuals of both sexes and different ages at death. We also present the carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition of modern plants from nearby areas in order to start building an isotopic ecology of the area and compile available information on food consumption from different lines of evidence. The isotopic results obtained reveal the consumption of C₄ plants, which for the area are maize and amaranth, combined with animal proteins. The integration of these results with the broader database was useful to discuss the political and economical implications of the findings, especially in the context of this area under the Inca domination.

1. Introduction

The analyses of carbon and nitrogen stable isotopes were introduced to archaeology in the middle 1970s and have been used worldwide to assess human and animal diets of archaeological populations [1–5]. Their main potential is that they allow direct access to the average diet of an individual’s life time before death which for bone samples is expected to reflect the last 7 to 10 years; while for hair samples, the value is expected to reflect a shorter time span [6, pages 137-138], complementing or broadening the interpretations made from traditional archaeological data, such as plant macro- and microremains, faunal remains, artifacts for food processing, or the osteological analysis of nutritional pathologies  [7].

In the Andean area, the analyses of carbon and nitrogen isotopes have been used to assess the political implications of food consumption and distribution [8–10], the mobility and subsistence models of pre-Hispanic societies [11–13] or, the study of gendered food consumption in domestic contexts [14].

Following this line, we intend to approach the food consumption profiles of individuals from the archaeological sites of Tolombón (Calchaqui Valley, Salta) and Esquina de Huajra (Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy) located in NWA (Figure 1). The occupation of these sites encompasses a time span characterized by rapid social changes including a period of hostile conflict between communities and the annexation of the area to the Inca Empire, which probably affected these communities lifestyles—including which food was consumed. The Inca Empire (or Tawantinsuyu in Quechua) was acknowledged by considering maize as a staple, not only for daily consumption but also for chicha making, a traditional alcoholic beverage made from fermented maize which was consumed in feasts and celebrations [15–17]. Nevertheless, as recent isotopic studies demonstrate, maize was a staple in the Andes well before the Inca domination [18–21] but the increase of maize production seen in certain areas can be related to the empire’s strategy of negotiation with local polities. In this regard, maize overproduction could have been used to support Tawantinsuyu’s populations, including the production of chicha for daily use and for sharing in festivities sponsored by the state [10].

Figure 1: Northwest Argentina: main geographical areas and archaeological sites mentioned in the text. Sites comprised in this study are marked with a star symbol.

What these studies suggest is that subsistence and diet were a complex matter that surely involved the interlocking of cultural predispositions on what was right to eat, the ecological settings, and the economic and political contexts that changed through time, especially as societies underwent rapid alterations in their social lives. In this regard, we intend to evaluate as many lines of evidence as possible to assess food consumption in two nuclear archaeological areas of NWA from ca. 1000 to 1550 A.D., including the results of recently performed analyses of carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition of human bone. Although we recognize that the sample is small in relation to the time span considered, these are the first results for theses core areas of archaeological development in NWA. In addition, we will consider information from vegetable macro- and microremains, written records, isotopic analysis on human and animal bones, and isotopic composition of edible plants from the area, including those published by other scholars as well as those recently performed in the context of our research agenda. As Tykot [3] mentions, where the consumed food might have included C₄ or CAM plants other than maize, as in our case, it is important to test archaeological faunal remains and other sources of information such as ethnohistoric records to interpret the isotope results.

The theoretical and methodological background for carbon and nitrogen isotope studies in ecology and archaeology in particular have been revised at length in previous literature [19–23]. For the purpose of the present study, it is worth noting that plants that form the basis of the trophic network take up carbon from the atmosphere and fix it in their tissue through photosynthesis, following three different metabolic ways: C₃ (calvin), C₄ (hatch-slack) and CAM (crassulacean acid metabolism). C₃ plants take less atmospheric ¹³CO₂ and thus present values of ¹³C that range from −21‰  to −26‰. Instead, C₄ plants take up more atmospheric ¹³CO₂ and their tissues are rich in this element, thus giving ¹³C values between −7‰  and −12‰  [3]. CAM plants switch between C₃ and C₄ depending on their actual location and environmental circumstances [3], their values ranging from −10‰  to −14‰  if they grow by night following a CAM cycle or from −24‰  to −30‰  if they grow via a C₃ pathway [24]. Generally speaking, it is assumed that an individual living on C₃ resources will show a δ ¹³C value of −21.5‰  on collagen, while an individual living on C₄ resources will show a δ ¹³C value of −7.5‰  on collagen. Isotopic fractionation (i.e., changes in the isotopic ratio due to biosynthetic chemical reactions) between diet and values reported in tissues are estimated in the order of 5‰  for bone collagen and from 9.5‰  to 12‰  for bone apatite [6].

Moreover, research suggests that bone collagen mainly derives from diet proteins and that bone apatite reflects all macronutrients included in the diets (i.e., lipids, carbohydrates, and proteins not used in the animal’s own protein synthesis) [25, 26]. Thus, when protein and energy (i.e., carbohydrates and lipids) in an individual’s diet derive from resources with different isotopic proportions, collagen may not signal the total isotopic composition of the diet but only its protein portion. Some researchers suggested that the whole diet may be inferred from the apatite bone isotopic composition or from the offset between δ ¹³C on collagen and δ ¹³C on apatite (i.e., ) [19, 20]. However, Kellner and Schoeninger [25] have recently suggested that most single measures of δ ¹³C either for collagen or apatite fall short of expectations for diet reconstruction. They suggest that the value of is not specific to any combination of protein or to the whole diet. Instead, by plotting δ ¹³CCO and δ ¹³CAP values from organisms with different known diets, they presented a model of three regression lines which provides a way of distinguishing between diets with C₃ protein and those with C₄ protein. Thus, according to the authors, the increase in δ ¹³CAP in the three regression lines largely represents the increase of δ ¹³C values of diet energy (i.e., carbohydrate and lipid except in diets with excessively high protein levels). Taking this into account, we will plot data from δ ¹³C on collagen and apatite to assess the possible source of protein included in the diet of the individuals analyzed.

The atmosphere is nitrogen’s biggest reservoir, and its stable isotope (¹⁵N) is present as a gas (N₂). Plants capture nitrogen in two different ways. Some of them do it through special nitrogen fixing bacteria attached to their roots that convert N₂ into forms that can be used by the plant, leading to little fractionation, which means that these plants have N values similar to that of the atmosphere (0‰). Other plants, known as nonfixing, capture N through the decomposition of organic matter present in their habitats. Generally, these plants possess significantly more positive values. The median value for fixing plants is +1‰, with a typical range of −2‰  to +2‰; whilst in the case of the nonfixing, it is +3‰, with a typical range of 0‰  to +6‰  [2, 24].

It has been noted that organisms increase their ¹⁵N content in 3 or 4‰  along the trophic chain, both for terrestrial and marine resources. For example, terrestrial mammals have ¹⁵N mean values of about 5.7‰  while marine mammals have mean values of 15.6‰  [26]. Nitrogen has proved to be important for investigating topics like weaning or differentiating consumption of marine resources [6], and, unlike carbon, all nitrogen present in bone collagen derives from dietary proteins, representing trophic-level effects in protein intake associated with organisms’ positions in food webs [21, 22]. However, several studies have also discussed how geographical and ecological factors such as aridity, humidity, cold, and latitude affect the values of ¹⁵N recorded in different tissues. Particularly, a negative relation has been observed between water availability and the values obtained from the collagen of herbivore bones [27]. Research performed by Amundson et al. [28] noted that in drier ecosystems there seems to be a greater loss of nitrogen via lixiviation and its transformation (nitrification, denitrification, and volatility of ammonia) which would lead to the enrichment of ¹⁵N in the remaining nitrogen in the system. This fact implies that human tissues with enriched δ ¹⁵N could not reflect the consumption of animal protein, but the consumption of plants with enriched values [29].

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. The Study Area

The analyzed material came from the geographical area located in the northwestern corner of Argentina (Figure 1), specifically from two of its main valleys: Calchaquí Valley in Salta Province and Quebrada de Humahuaca in Jujuy Province. The former is characterized by a semiarid high altitude climate, as winds are depleted in humidity since they cross the mountain range. Mean annual precipitation is about 200 mm in Cafayate and rains are markedly distributed, as they occur more often in the western slopes of the valley during the summer months (December to March) which determines a lower water use due to evapotranspiration [6]. However, there exists a relatively prolonged period free of frosts which is beneficial for agricultural production [30].

The Quebrada de Humahuaca is a deep narrow valley or ravine extending along 120 km and presenting two different climates, semi-arid and arid, according to the variation of precipitations [31]. Mountainous relief influences the total annual precipitations, causing the geographical distribution of rains to be markedly irregular. For example, in the southern sector of the area, mean precipitation values of 391 mm and 199 mm were recorded for Volcán and Tumbaya, respectively, while in Abra Pampa (northern sector) the mean value recorded is 282 mm [31]. Although rains are torrential and are concentrated from November to March, they do not compensate for the marked water stress present in the area [31].

In a general sense, NWA is a geographical region defined by the presence of the Andean mountain range, running in a NS direction, as well as several intermountain valleys, quebradas, and a high altitude area (more than 3,500 masl) called puna that sustained the development of interconnected societies along its temporal occupation. The most important valleys and quebradas from North to South are Quebrada de Humahuaca, Quebrada del Toro, Calchaquí Valley, Santa María or Yokavil Valley, Cajón Valley, and Hualfín Valley (Figure 1). The human occupation in the puna areas was concentrated in certain oasis such as Antofagasta de la Sierra in Catamarca Province, Huachichocana, Inca Cueva and Rinconada in Jujuy Province, and Pastos Grandes in Salta Province.

Although NWA has been occupied for more than 10.000 years B.C., when the first mobile hunter-gatherers established in the area, we are interested in the four to five centuries before the Spanish conquest, a time span comprising important economic, political, demographic, and climatic changes that radically shaped the trajectories of these communities. From about 900 A.D., in some places of NWA, communities started to cluster in nucleated settlements, many of them located on landforms with difficult access, such as the slopes or tops of hills and small plateaus. Agricultural intensification played a key role in the development of these societies, which cleared vast extensions of land and built agricultural structures (e.g., irrigation systems, terraces) in Calchaquí Valley [32, 33], Quebrada de Humahuaca [34], and Antofagasta de la Sierra [35]. Different ceramic styles emerged within specific geographical areas like Santamariano style in Calchaquí and Yocavil Valleys and Belén style in Hualfín and Abaucán Valleys [36] (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Examples of Santamariano and Belén pottery styles. (a) Santamariano-style urn [56]. (b) Belén-style urn from Las Mojarras [57]. (c) Belén-style urn from Famablasto [57].

While the traditional view of these societies posited that they were organized into chiefdoms that hierarchically ranked settlements levels [37–39], other scholars suggest that communities from the Regional Development Period (RDP, ca. 900–1450 A.D.) were organized into corporative or communal structures with flattened or no social hierarchies at all [40–43]. In this sense, regionalization of ceramic styles and material culture in general points to the existence of political fragmentation, which can also be seen in the replacement of previous dispersed hamlets for key nucleated settlements located in defensive locations. This scenario possibly resulted from the presence of interregional conflict, evidenced in the appearance of war related paraphernalia (e.g., weapons, rock art scenes, and defensive architecture) [44, 45] and violent trauma on human bones [46].

Staple goods in communities from NWA temperate valleys included maize (Zea mays), potatoes (Solanum spp.), grains such as quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus), squashes (Cucurbita spp.), peppers such as ají (Capsicum baccatum), salt, and beans (Phaseolus spp.). Outstandingly, apart from maize, kiwicha (A. caudatus) is the only C₄ plant in the western hemisphere consumed by Precolumbian human populations. Besides, they relied on seasonal resources such as algarroba (Prosopis nigra or Prosopis alba) and chañar (Geoffroea decorticans) and meat from camelids and micromammals, among others [47–53].

2.2. The Archaeological Sites

Tolombón is a complex archaeological settlement located in Salta Province near the modern town of Cafayate (Figure 1). Although mentioned in the archaeological literature as early as 1894 by Ten Kate, it was later studied by different archaeological research teams [53]. The settlement consists of architectural remains built on the slopes of a hill, a pattern shared with other sites from the Yocavil Valley (e.g., Rincón Chico, Cerro Pintado, Fuerte Quemado, and Quilmes). Research conducted by Dr. Williams [54, 55] revealed the distribution of the architectural remains in the hill, covering 35 ha, in the following way: (1) a fort located at the top of the hill, a residential area on the slope of the hill, and possibly a public sector; (2) a residential sector located at the base of the hill and another one on the southeastern side of the hill spatially segregated and with agricultural structures between them; (3) more than 17 tombs located on the southeastern side of the hill; (4) staggered structures on the southern side of the hill, over the residential area [55] (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Aerial photograph showing the different sectors of Tolombón and their architectural remains.

Radiocarbon dating allows ascribing the occupation of the site to the years 1200 to 1600 A.D. (Table 1). The excavation of one of the residential enclosures located in the base sector (Building 6) yielded a number of cultural materials, including metal artifacts and debris, ceramic remains, lithic instruments and by-products, vegetables and faunal remains, and a hearth in the centre of the enclosure. The analysis of these materials allowed for the interpretation of this enclosure as a domestic space where quotidian activities were carried out [55]. Local ceramic styles are abundant in this enclosure (i.e., Santamariano, Famabalasto negro grabado, and Belén styles), while foreign material is scarce, including only a minor percentage of Incaic pottery style. Many undecorated fragments show fire marks, possibly related to their use as cooking vessels [58]. The vegetable macroremains found consisted of five different races or variants of maize (Colorado, Chaucha, Socorro, Amarillo Chico, and Pisingallo); several caryopses were burnt, suggesting that they had probably been cooked [50] (Table 2).

Table 1: Radiocarbon dating for Tolombón and Esquina de Huajra.

Site
Code
Material
Chronology B.P.
Cal. A.D.

2 sigmas
Reference

Tolombón
GX-29252
Charcoal

1221-1400
[55]

GX-29251
Charcoal

1327-1612

Beta 168672
Charcoal

1410-1520

GX-29663
Charcoal

1441-1793

Beta 171425
Charcoal

1400-1515

Beta 171426
Charcoal

1405-1525

Esquina de Huajra
Beta 193319
Charcoal

1455-1796
[59]

Beta 206919
Charcoal

1496-1952

AA88375
Charcoal

1400-1664

UGA 16200
Human bone

1318-1463

GX 32577
Human bone

1419-1627

GX 32576
Human bone

1460-1799

Table 2: Vegetable macro remains possibly used as food in Tolombón.

Family
Species
Plant or reproductive structure
Reference

Poaceae
Zea mays
Fruit (caryopsis)
[50]

Fabaceae
Prosopis sp.
Seeds and fruits (pods)

Fabaceae
Prosopis ferox
Fruits (pods)

Faunal remains found in this enclosure were divided into three components. The first one (stratigraphic levels 7 to 10) is mainly composed of camelids (Lama sp., Lama glama and Lama vicuña), although fox (Lycalopex sp.), Chinchillidae, and bird bones were identified. The second component (stratigraphic levels 3 to 6) presents a variety of resources, including fox (Lycalopex sp.), armadillo (Dasypodidae), viscacha (Chinchillidae), weasels (Mustelidae), ostrich egg shells, and camelids (Lama sp.; Lama glama and Lama vicuña). In the third component (stratigraphic levels 1 and 2) the only osseous remains found were from camelids (Lama sp.). In general, faunal remains from this enclosure show the predominant consumption of camelids with a mortality profile of young individuals in two of the three defined components. Additionally, remains of an Andean deer (Hippocamelus antisensis, commonly known as taruca) were found. Anthropic modifications, like cut marks or thermal alterations, were recorded, suggesting the possible performance of human activities such as slaughter and cooking [55].

During one of the field seasons in Tolombón, a burial place which had been disturbed was discovered in one of the ravines leading to the fort. The tomb was located under a big rock which stood on the sides of a ditch forming a kind of natural roof of 2 m wide and 2.6 m deep, 0.9 m tall in one extreme and 0.4 m in the other. Although the human remains were highly fragmented, osteological analysis allowed determining that at least six individuals were buried, including both adults and subadults [60]. From this funerary context, five individuals were sampled for isotopic analysis (see details in Table 3) using bones that could be clearly associated to an individual.

Table 3: Carbon and nitrogen results for human bone samples.

Lab Code
Site/sample code
Chronology
Sex/age
Bone
C‰

Apatite
C‰

Collagen
N‰
Δ
C/N ratio

UGA 16200
Esquina de Huajra

T1G2MS
550 ± 40 AP
Male

Adult
Left humerus fragment
−4.8
−9.63
6.7
4.83
2.66

UGA 2087
Esquina de Huajra

T1G1MS

Male

Adult
Left humerus fragment
−6.2
−11.0
12.6
4.8
2.7

Geochron 32577
Esquina de Huajra

T2 I4
450 ± 60 AP
Indeterminate

8 ± 2 years
Left radius fragment
−6.5
−11.1
9.7
4.6
Not

performed

UGA 2088
Esquina de Huajra

T2I1

Indeterminate

6 ± 2 years
Right tibia fragment
−5.2
−11.3
11.7
6.1
2.68

Geochron 32576
Esquina de Huajra

T3I1
320 ± 50 AP
Female

40 ± 5 years
Left femur fragment
−6
−11.3
12.2
5.3
Not

performed

UGA 2089
Esquina de Huajra

T4I1

Indeterminate

7 ± 2 years
Right femur fragment
−6.6
−12.0
11.3
5.4
2.72

UGA 2090
Esquina de Huajra

T6I1

Possibly Female

17–21 years
Right tibia fragment
−6.7
−11.5
12.1
4.8
7.95

Geochron 32578
Tolombón T4C1L1

Indeterminate

Indeterminate
Left humerus fragment
−4.0
−9.30
9.0
5.3
Not

performed

UGA 16199
Tolombón T4C2L1

Indeterminate

Indeterminate
Left humerus fragment
−4.8
−9.03
3.2
4.23
2.66

UGA 16201
Tolombón T4C1L1

Indeterminate

Indeterminate
Left humerus fragment
−5.0
−9.63
11.1
4.63
2.7

UGA 2085
Tolombón T4C4L1

Indeterminate

Indeterminate
Right humerus fragment
−4.7
−9.9
10.1
5.2
3.05

UGA 2086
Tolombón T4L5

Indeterminate

Indeterminate
Left humerus fragment
−4.9
−9.3
11.7
4.4
2.74

Esquina de Huajra is located 45 km from the modern city of San Salvador de Jujuy in Tumbaya Department, Quebrada de Humahuaca (Figure 1). The site was built on the slopes of a landform elevated 90 m above the valley level which extends close to the alluvial plain of Río Grande. In 2001, a salvage project was conducted at the site and six tombs were found, along with other archaeological materials [61]. The tombs were located in what was called Terrace III, and five of them were excavated (tombs 1, 2, 3, 4, and 6) (Figure 4). The laboratory analysis of the human bone remains allowed establishing the presence of at least 18 individuals, comprising adults of both sexes and unsexed subadults of different ages at death [61].

Figure 4: Plan of the tombs from Esquina de Huajra.

Radiocarbon analyses postulate an occupation span ranging from 1400 A.D. onwards (Table 1). This would imply that the site was occupied (and possibly built) in a late stage of the Inca Period, continuing this occupation in the initial stage of the Early Colonial Period, although the real control of the territory by the Spaniards was not exerted until 1600 A.D. approximately [59]. This is consistent both with the findings of Inca material culture in the tombs and the absence of Spanish objects in the site. The analyses of the materials recovered suggest the performance of different activities in the sectors of the site. In Terrace I, a possible patio was excavated, which contained a hearth with carbon lenses, ceramic and bone fragments, a stone grinder, red pigment, and several ceramic remains. This occupation floor also contained abundant animal remains, two bone instruments, and a metal instrument [61, 62]. The ceramic assemblage contains some of the typical Inca forms present in the provinces of the Empire [63]: footed ollas, small plates, plates and aríbalos possibly related to chicha elaboration and consumption [59] and nonlocal ceramics (i.e., Chicha/Yavi, Inca Pacajes, and Casabindo Pintado). The lithic material obtained points to the performance of reduction activities directed to obtaining base forms [61]. Faunal remains analyzed by Mengoni Goñalons [64, 65] came from this domestic context and correspond to members of the Camelidae family, including llama (Lama glama), vicuña (Lama vicugna), and guanaco (Lama guanicoe). As in Tolombón, remains from Cervidae were found, including a specimen of taruca (Hippocamelus antinensis), as well as rodents (undetermined) and birds (Cairina moschata).

In turn, Terrace II probably functioned as a circulation path. More than 1,000 ceramic fragments were found, half of them undecorated and corresponding to medium and large vessels and ollas. A few fragments were from the body of five small vessels, and also bowl fragments were recovered. Nonlocal pottery fragments corresponded to Chicha/Yavi bowls and six polished bowls [61]. As far as we know, most of the surface of Terrace III seems to have been used mainly as a funerary space [59], as six tombs containing the remains of several individuals were found and analyzed. Five of the six detected tombs could be excavated, and six samples of human bone were collected for isotopic analysis, including adult individuals from both sexes and unsexed subadults from different ages as described in Table 3. These bone elements were selected so as to have at least one sample from each tomb.

2.3. The Methods

The isotopic analyses were carried out in different laboratories, implying that, although results are reported relative to the same standard (VPDB for δ ¹³C and Air for δ ¹⁵N) some caution must be taken when comparing and combining data. A first set of human bone samples was sent to the Center for Applied Isotope of the University of Georgia (CAIS) and a second set to Geochron. The bone was cleaned with wire brush and washed using ultrasonic bath. After cleaning, the dried bone was gently crushed into small fragments. The crushed bone was treated with 1 N acetic acid to remove any secondary carbonates at room temperature with periodic evacuation of CO₂ for 24 hours. The residue was filtered and rinsed with deionized water to remove any remains of acetic acid. Then, the sample was dried overnight at 60°C. The dried sample was evacuated in the flask and treated with diluted HCl at 4°C to recover CO₂ from bioapatite. The carbon dioxide was cryogenically purified and collected for stable isotope ratio analysis. The acid solution was collected and left overnight at 4°C. Then the solution was filtered on fiberglass filter, and precipitate was rinsed with deionized water. The precipitate was boiled in deionized water () for 6 hours to dissolve collagen and leave humic substances in the precipitate. The collagen solution was then filtered and dried out to isolate pure collagen. The dried collagen was combusted at 575°C in an evacuated/sealed Pyrex ampoule in the presence of CuO. The carbon dioxide and nitrogen were cryogenically separated and purified and collected in the flasks for analyses. The δ ¹³C sample was measured with respect to PDB, with an error of less than 0.1‰; the δ ¹⁵N sample was measured with respect to atmospheric air nitrogen, with an error of less than 0.2‰. At CAIS, stable isotope ratio analyses were conducted on Finnigan MAT252 mass spectrometer. The C/N ratio was measured using Perkin-Elmer 2400 CHN analyzer. At Geochron, a VG Micromass gas source stable isotope ratio mass spectrometer was used.

Additionally, modern plants from Calchaquí Valley were isotopically characterized. They consisted of seeds from quinoa, amaranth, squashes, and maize collected from a farm located in Animaná (Salta). No industrial fertilizers were used in order to avoid any potential nitrogen enrichment [66]. Samples were raw and frozen-dried and ground prior to characterization of δ ¹³C and δ ¹⁵N. These samples were sent to the Instituto Nacional de Geología Isotópica of the Universidad de Buenos Aires. The specimens were washed by ultrasonic bath, dried for 24 hours at 60°C, and crushed into 1 mm fragments. Three mg of each sample was weighed in tin capsules and processed in a Carlo Erba EA1108 elemental analyzer coupled to an isotope ratio mass spectrometer of continuous flow interfaces (Thermo Scientific Delta V Advantage ConFlo IV).

Modern plant samples were corrected for the Suess Effect; that is, the reduction by at least 1.5‰  of δ ¹³C values in the atmosphere as a consequence of the use of fossil fuels during the recent industrial period. It is, therefore, necessary to correct these samples by adding 1.5‰  at the moment of using them to reconstruct paleodiets and to plot them along archaeological data [25].

We also developed a database of published data on carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition of archaeological and modern plants, including results from Argentina [67] and Perú [68]. Isotopic data from archaeological camelid bones were taken from Mengoni Goñalons [64, 65] and included four samples for Tolombón and five samples for Esquina de Huajra. Only data containing both carbon and nitrogen information were considered, and median values were presented for each type of data (i.e., maize, camelid, etc.). Carbon isotopic results for the modern plant samples were corrected for postindustrial enrichment of atmospheric ¹²C, in order to make these data comparable with archaeological llama and human δ ¹³C results.

3. Results

The isotopic results for the Tolombón and Esquina de Huajra human bone samples are summarized in Table 3. The results for analyzed food samples are summarized in Table 4. To compare the values, we first designed a graphic plotting δ ¹³C and δ ¹⁵N values from modern and archaeological plants and fauna against human bone samples for Esquina de Huajra (Figure 5) and Tolombón (Figure 6).

Table 4: C and N for modern plants in the Calchaquí area. Carbon results were corrected for postindustrial enrichment.

Code lab
Material
C
N
C/N ratio

27626
Quinoa
−22.7
9
21.9

27627
Gourd
−21.5
7.1
11.4

27628
Squash
−24.5
6.1
16.7

27629
Sweet gourd
−26
8.2
11.3

27630
Red maize
−10
4.2
44.9

27631
Kiwicha
−10.8
14
18.7

Figure 5: Plot of modern plants from database (green markers), modern plants from the current study (dark orange markers), and archaeological fauna against human bone samples from Esquina de Huajra.

Figure 6: Plot of modern plants from database (green markers), modern plants from the current study (dark orange markers), and archaeological fauna against human bone samples from Tolombón.

If we first consider the values for , it is observed that results both for Esquina de Huajra and Tolombón are comfortably included in the range of C₄ plant group (i.e., maize, amaranth). Interestingly, camelid diet from both sites is no far from that of humans, showing only subtle differences. As mentioned above, collagen reflects the protein portion of the diet consumed in the last 5 to 7 years of life. In this regard, the results obtained for both sites show that the ingested proteins came from a C₄ source mainly. Moreover, data from carbon apatite suggest that energy also came from a C₄ source, as we shall discuss later.

In the case of nitrogen (δ ¹⁵N), the value reflects directly the kinds of protein incorporated to the diet, which may be animal, vegetal, leguminous or marine, in relation to the position of an organism in a food web. Assuming a roughly 3‰  enrichment between food source and consumer, the δ ¹⁵N results obtained would signal the consumption of organisms with N values between 4‰  and 8‰  of δ ¹⁵N in their diets, agreeing with faunal references (camelids only) from both sites. There is an individual from Tolombón (T4C2L1) with a very low value of δ ¹⁵N (3.2‰) that is difficult to interpret and a person from Esquina de Huajra (T1G2MS) that shows the lowest δ ¹⁵N value of the sample from this site (6.2‰), although not as low as the one from Tolombón. Remarkably, values of δ ¹⁵N for human bone show a higher dispersion than δ ¹³C values, as nitrogen values for reference food sources do.

We contrasted our data to those provided by Kellner and Schoeninger [25], who have questioned the utility of the difference between the value of carbon on collagen and apatite (Δ¹³CCO-AP) to assess the whole diet of an individual, and have indicated the necessity of considering the photosynthetic path in which protein and energy resources were separately inscribed. What we can see from the following plot (Figure 7) is that both subsets are form discrete clusters, except for one individual from Esquina de Huajra (T1G2MS) which is fully included into Tolombón’s cluster. Both clusters are located over the 100‰  C₄ energy line, although Esquina de Huajra’s individuals are slightly closer to the C₃ energy line.

Figure 7: Data from this study contrasted to Kellner and Schoeninger [25] regression lines.

4. Discussion

The samples’ range in δ ¹³C encompasses much of the values found in C₄ resources available for animal and plant data presented here and in other studies. Interestingly, camelid diet is quite similar to that of humans. Isotopic data from camelid bone from Esquina de Huajra suggest that their diet was quite homogeneous and that they would correspond to locally raised herds or to animals that lived freely in low altitude grasslands [64]. The diet of camelids from Tolombón is more variable, suggesting that they obtained food from different ecological zones. Some of them, especially larger animals like llamas, were raised in lower areas (less than 4000 masl) while smaller animals, like vicuñas, might have been brought from the Highlands (close to or over to 4,000 masl) [64]. In spite of these differences, human diets from both sites seem quite homogeneous, at least for carbon values, as they cluster tightly. This would imply that diets from both adults and subadults and both males and females were quite similar; moreover, they came primarily from a C₄ source, as we can see in Figures 4 and 5.

In contrast, δ ¹⁵N values for human bone are more varied, ranging from 3‰  to almost 13‰  for the samples considered, which was also noted for camelid bones from both sites [64] and, as we can see in this study, modern vegetal resources show higher dispersion in nitrogen values. As we previously discussed, it is possible that in arid or semi-arid environments as the one we are dealing with, plants respond physiologically to water stress by showing higher nitrogen values, which would prevent or at least warn about interpreting results vis-à-vis protein consumption. In this regard, it is important to highlight that our sample has a tendency towards protein consumption both in carbon and nitrogen values.

Judging from the data presented, the origin of all dietary sources (protein and energy) came mainly from C₄ resources. It is interesting to consider that some written documents of the Colonial era (after 1540 A.D. approximately) point to a wider diet, quoting Governor of Tucumán, Don Mercado de Villacorta: “the calchaquíes [are] more supplied than others, as they do not content with only maize, but wheat and barley and legumes and potatoes and quinoa and algarroba …” [51]. Regarding the consumption of the latter, this resource seems to have been especially important as several written sources mention quarrels over its exploitation. For example, Torreblanca mentions that “… the quilmes and other nations, [in] a year of famine, (…) had no resources and were going to perish if they did not become friends with the pacciocas, who had abundance and were owners of San Carlos, where a large quantity of algarroba existed, they made peace and the enemies’ towns were depopulated to pick up the algarroba …” [51]. The archaeological record of the regions points to a similar direction, as maize remains were found in Molinos I, La Paya, and El Churcal as well as gourd, squash, and beans in La Paya and El Churcal [69, 70]. In Valdéz site, besides corn grains and cobs, remains of Chenopodium, tubers (Solanum), beans, and peppers were also found [47]. In the northern sector of Calchaqui Valley, D’Altroy and coauthors [47] mention the existence of maize, quinoa, and tubers in both Potrero de Payogasta and Cortaderas Bajo sites. In Los Graneros site, Tarragó and González [71] mention the presence of maize, beans, gourd, and algarroba macro remains.

The source of C₄ energy and protein could have been provided by maize, amaranth, or animals that, in turn, consumed C₄ plants (as mentioned, camelid isotopic data points to this direction) [64, 65]. The overconsumption of maize in American pre-Hispanic populations has been traditionally linked to the presence of iron deficiency anemia, which, in turn, was linked to the appearance of porotic lesions in the skull (i.e., porotic hyperostosis) and the orbits (i.e., cribra orbitalia) [72]. The absence of porotic lesions in relation to diets with a high component of maize was already noted [73, 74]. Osteological markers of nutritional stress in the population of Esquina de Huajra are present in a low percentage (only one male adult showed mild signs of porotic hyperostosis [73]), and although the preservation of the remains from Tolombón analyzed here prevents a thorough examination in this respect, the study of a collection of nine skulls from this site carried out by one of the authors [75] did not show positive results for the presence of porotic lesions in the skull or orbits. This observation may indicate two possibilities: whether the link between lesions traditionally associated with iron deficiency anemia in relation to high maize consumption is incorrect, as recently published studies suggest [76, 77], or populations may have achieved an adequate balance between maize consumption and other resources (e.g., grasses, legumes, tubers, and meat) that possibly counteracted the negative effects of the sole consumption of maize. As one of the reviewers of this paper suggested, the values obtained for δ ¹³C on apatite and collagen, although signaling the importance of C₄ plants consumption, leave room for the consumption of other resources as well.

Our results on carbon and nitrogen isotopes for modern amaranth do not allow us to rule out the consumption of this plant, even though no archaeological findings of this cultivar were made in the area of study. Medina et al. [78] mention that Amaranthaceae pollen remains found in some archaeological sites from Córdoba (Argentinean Central area) may correspond to the species Amaranthus caudatus. Babot [79] mentions the finding of amaranth remains in Peñas Chicas and Punta de la Peña (Antofagasta de la Sierra, Catamarca), El Remate and Cueva de los Corrales (Tucumán, Argentina), and Los Viscos (Belén, Catamarca), but, as far as we are concerned, no remains of this plant have been found in Quebrada de Humahuaca nor in Calchaqui Valley. The δ ¹⁵N value reported here for this pseudocereal is substantially enriched and similar to the results presented by Turner et al. [68]; it is also slightly higher than nitrogen values obtained for the human bone samples in our study, requiring further efforts in isotopically characterizing this cultivar.

5. Conclusions

This study has provided the first data on paleodiet of small scale complex societies from Northwest Argentina through analyzing the variation of carbon and nitrogen isotopes in a sample of individuals from archaeological sites of temperate valleys. Some advance has been made in starting to construct an isotopic ecology of the area. Although the sample is small, both for human bones and modern plants, the contribution lies in the originality of the results, especially for a nuclear area of archaeological research in NW Argentina.

In this regard, our results serve to posit the importance of C₄ plants for the diet, which could include maize and amaranth, before the arrival of the Inca Empire to the region, as Tolombón results show an important component of C₄ plants in the individuals’ diet. Apparently, this importance continued in the Inca period, as results from Esquina de Huajra reveal a high consumption of C₄ plants. Research in Central Chile reports the first enriched δ ¹³C on collagen and apatite from 1800 B.P. in Llolleo populations, signaling the importance of maize for these communities [11]. Interestingly, during the Inca period, δ ¹³C values decrease both in collagen (mean δ ¹³C–13.1‰) and apatite (mean δ ¹³C 5.9‰), which do not coincide with expectations regarding the archaeological and bioarchaeological record [11]. In a study that compared isotopic information from puna, valleys, and quebradas from NWA, Killian Galván and Samec [80] did not find a temporal tendency towards more enriched δ ¹³C, although this was expected from previous research which emphasized that the consumption of maize would have progressively increased through time. Also, the research conducted by Gil et al. [67] with samples from Mendoza (Central Western Argentina) has not allowed for the postulation of a clear tendency towards increasing maize consumption in this region of South America.

Different results were reported from Peruvian populations, where maize consumption seems to have been intensified during the Inca domination. Burger et al. [8] report that, although maize was consumed with different intensity in farmer communities (Waman Wain), in communities with elite members (Jauja), and in Machu Picchu, with retainers serving the Inca nobility (yanaconas), it seems to have been a staple. This information not only supports the politics fostered by the Incas of replacing local cultivars but also the idea of intensification and expansion of agricultural lands under their dominion [8]. In a similar vein, Hastorf and Johannessen [10] argued that during the Wanka III period (Inca) in Mantaro Valley, stable isotopes results suggest that maize consumption was increased but probably in the form of chicha drinking in connection to feasts sponsored by the state. However, Finucane et al. [9] indicate that maize was a staple well before the Inca Period in Conchopata and even suggest that it might have been the resource that supported one of the first urban development of the Peruvian Sierra and its associated social complexity.

This study, therefore, illustrates the potential of using multiple lines of evidence, despite noted limitations in sample size, for interpreting food consumption in prehistory. In this regard, the archaeological record of the study areas shows a variety of resources not entirely reflected in the isotopic values obtained for the human bone samples. Thus, this implies improving the studies on the isotopic ecology of the areas, considering resources not yet included (e.g., peppers, tubers, algarroba, chañar, and micromammals). Finally, we consider it imperative to develop a model for the contribution of carbon and nitrogen to the protein and nonprotein portions of bones in cases of mixed diets.

Acknowledgments

The authors thank Randy Culp and Andrew Cherskinky from the Center for Applied Isotope Studies (CAIS) for their patience and permanent advice on the interpretation of the results. They are grateful to Beatriz Cremonte, who allowed access to the Esquina de Huajra human collection. They thank Verónica Vasvari, Mabel Mamaní, and their families for the collection of modern plants for their analyses. The authors acknowledge Violeta Killian Galván’s bibliography and her kindly given advice and the Instituto de Geocronología y Geología Isotópica (INGEIS) for the performance of the analysis on modern samples. They also thank the anonymous reviewers, whose careful comments helped to strengthen the manuscript. This research was supported by grants from Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET) (PIP 5361) and Agencia Nacional de Promoción Científica y Tecnológica (ANPCyT) (PICT 1550) awarded to Verónica Williams.

References

M. J. DeNiro, “Stable isotopy and archaeology,” American Scientist, vol. 75, no. 2, pp. 182–191, 1987.

M. J. Schoeninger, “Stable isotope studies in human evolution,” Evolutionary Anthropology, vol. 4, no. 3, pp. 83–98, 1995.

R. Tykot, “Isotope analyses and the histories of maize,” in Histories of Maize: Multidisciplinary Approaches to the Prehistory, Biogeography, Domestication, and Evolution of Maize, J. E. Staller, R. H. Tykot, and B. F. Benz, Eds., Elsevier, 2006.

J. C. Vogel and N. J. van der Merwe, “Isotopic evidence for early maize cultivation in New York State,” American Antiquity, vol. 42, no. 2, pp. 238–242, 1977.

N. J. van der Merwe and J. C. Vogel, “¹³C content of human collagen as a measure of prehistoric diet in Woodland North America,” Nature, vol. 276, no. 5690, pp. 815–816, 1978.

R. Valencia, A. Lago, T. Chafatinos, R. Ibarguren, R. Menegatti, and A. Ocaranza, Los Suelos de los Valles Calchaquíes. Levantamiento de Suelos de los Valles Calchaquíes, Provincia de Salta (Primera Parte-Estudios de Campo), Gobierno de Salta, Salta, Argentina, 1970.

W. Keegan, “Stable isotope analysis of prehistoric diet,” in Reconstruction of Life from the Skeleton, M. Y. Işcan and A. R. Keneth, Eds., pp. 223–236, Wiley-Liss, New York, NY, USA, 1989.

R. Burger, J. Lee-Thorp, and N. J. van der Merwe, “Rite and crop in the Inka state revisited. An isotopic perspective from Machu Picchu and beyond,” in The 1912 Yale Peruvian Scientific Expedition Collections from Machu Picchu. Human and Animal Remains, R. L. Burger and L. C. Salazar, Eds., no. 83, pp. 119–137, Yale University Publications in Anthropology, 2003.

B. Finucane, P. Maita Agurto, and W. H. Isbell, “Human and animal diet at Conchopata, Peru: stable isotope evidence for maize agriculture and animal management practices during the Middle Horizon,” Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 33, no. 12, pp. 1766–1776, 2006.

C. A. Hastorf and S. Johannessen, “Pre-hispanic political change and the role of maize in the central Andes of Peru,” American Anthropologist, vol. 95, no. 1, pp. 115–138, 1993.

F. Falabella, M. T. Planella, E. Aspillaga, L. Sanhueza, and R. H. Tykot, “Dieta en sociedades alfareras de Chile central: aporte de análisis de isótopos estables,” Chungará, vol. 39, no. 1, pp. 5–27, 2007.

K. Knudson, A. Aufderheide, and J. E. Buikstra, “Seasonality and paleodiet in the Chiribaya polity of Southern Peru,” Journal of Archeological Science, vol. 34, pp. 451–462, 2007.

P. D. Tomczak, “Prehistoric diet and socioeconomic relationships within the Osmore Valley of Southern Peru,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, vol. 22, no. 3, pp. 262–278, 2003.

C. Hastorf, “Gender, space and food in prehistory,” in Contemporary Archaeology in Theory, R. W. Preucel and I. Hodder, Eds., pp. 460–484, Blackwell Press, Oxford, UK, 1996.

D. Arnold, A. Jiménez, and J. D. Yapita, Hacia un Orden Andino de las Cosas, Hisbol/Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara, La Paz, Bolivia, 1998.

M. B. Cremonte, C. Otero, and M. S. Gheggi, “Reflexiones sobre el consumo de chicha en épocas prehispánicas a partir de un registro actual en Perchel (Dto. Tilcara, Jujuy),” ReLaciones de la Sociedad Argentina de Antropología, vol. 34, pp. 74–102, 2009.

T. Saignes, Borrachera y Memoria. La Experiencia de lo Sagrado en los Andes, 69, Hisbol Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos. Travaux de l’Institut Francais d’Etudes Andines, 1993.

R. L. Burger and N. J. van der Merwe, “Maize and the origins of highland Chavín civilization: an isotopic perspective,” American Anthropologist, vol. 92, no. 1, pp. 85–95, 1990.

S. H. Ambrose, B. Butler, D. Hanson, R. Hunter-Anderson, and H. Krueger, “Stable isotopic analysis of human diet in the Marianas Archipielago, Western Pacific,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 104, pp. 343–361, 1997.

S. H. Ambrose, J. Buikstra, and H. W. Krueger, “Status and gender differences in diet at Mound 72, Cahokia, revealed by isotopic analysis of bone,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, vol. 22, no. 3, pp. 217–226, 2003.

M. J. DeNiro and M. J. Schoeniger, “Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios of bone collagen: variations within individuals, between sexes, and within populations raised on monotonous diets,” Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 10, no. 3, pp. 199–203, 1983.

J. A. Lee-Thorp and M. Sponheimer, “Three case studies used to reassess the reliability of fossil bone and enamel isotope signals for paleodietary studies,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, vol. 22, no. 3, pp. 208–216, 2003.

J. A. Lee-Thorp and N. J. van der Merwe, “Aspects of the chemistry of modern and fossil biological apatites,” Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 18, no. 3, pp. 343–354, 1991.

F. D. Pate, “Bone chemistry and paleodiet,” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 161–209, 1994.

C. M. Kellner and M. J. Schoeninger, “A simple carbon isotope model for reconstructing prehistoric human diet,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 133, no. 4, pp. 1112–1127, 2007.

M. J. Schoeninger and M. J. DeNiro, “Stable nitrogen isotope ratios of bone collagen reflect marine and terrestrial components of prehistoric human diet,” Science, vol. 220, no. 4604, pp. 1381–1383, 1983.

J. C. Sealy, N. J. van der Merwe, J. A. L. Thorp, and J. L. Lanham, “Nitrogen isotopic ecology in Southern Africa: implications for environmental and dietary tracing,” Geochimica et Cosmochimica Acta, vol. 51, no. 10, pp. 2707–2717, 1987.

R. Amundson, A. T. Austin, E. A. G. Schuur et al., “Global patterns of the isotopic composition of soil and plant nitrogen,” Global Biogeochemical Cycles, vol. 17, no. 1, p. 1031, 2003.

V. A. Killian Galván, N. Oliszewski, D. E. Olivera, and H. O. Panarello, “Intraspecific variability in the δ13C and δ15N values of archaeological samples of Zea mays cobs (Northeastern Argentinean Puna,” in Physical, Chemical and Biological Markers in Argentine Archaeology: Theory, Methods and Applications, D. M. Kligmann and M. R. Morales, Eds., BAR International Series, Archaeopress, Oxford, UK, 2013.

M. Arias and A. R. Bianchi, Estadísticas Climatológicas de la Provincia de Salta, INTA EEA Salta. Ministerio de la Producción y el Empleo de Salta, Salta, Argentina, 1996.

R. H. Braun Wilke, E. E. Santos, L. P. Picchetti et al., Carta de Aptitud Ambiental de la Provincia de Jujuy, Edited by UNJU, Jujuy, Argentina, 2001.

L. Baldini and V. Villamayor, “Espacios productivos en la cuenca del Río Molinos (Valle Calchaquí, Salta),” Cuadernos de la Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad Nacional de Jujuy, vol. 32, pp. 35–51, 2007.

V. Williams, A. Korstanje, P. Cuenya, and M. P. Villegas, “La dimensión social de la producción agrícola en un sector del Valle Calchaquí Medio,” in Arqueología de la Agricultura. Casos de Estudio en la Región Andina Central, A. Korstanje and M. Quesada, Eds., pp. 178–207, Magna, San Miguel de Tucumán, Argentina, 2011.

M. E. Albeck, “El ambiente como generador de hipótesis sobre la dinámica sociocultural prehispánica de la Quebrada de Humahuaca,” Cuadernos de la Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad Nacional de Jujuy, vol. 3, pp. 95–106, 1992.

P. Tchilinguirián and D. Olivera, “Agricultura, ambiente y sustentabilidad agrícola en el desierto. El caso de Antofagasta de la Sierra (Puna Argentina, 26ºS,” in Arqueología de la Agricultura. Casos de Estudio en la Región Andina Central, A. Korstanje and M. Quesada, Eds., pp. 104–129, Magna, San Miguel de Tucumán, Argentina, 2011.

M. N. Tarragó, “Chacras y pukara. Desarrollos sociales tardíos,” in Nueva Historia Argentina, R. H. Mondadori, Ed., Los pueblos originarios y la conquista, chapter 1, Sudamericana, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 2000.

V. Nuñez Regueiro, “Conceptos instrumentales y marco teórico en relación al análisis del desarrollo cultural del noroeste Argentino,” Revista del Instituto de Antropología, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, vol. 5, pp. 169–190, 1974.

R. Raffino, Poblaciones Indígenas de Argentina, TEA, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1988.

C. Sempé, S. Salceda, and M. Maffia, Azampay: Presente y Pasado de un Pueblito Catamarqueño, Ediciones Al Margen, La Plata, Argentina, 2005.

F. A. Acuto, “Fragmentación versus integración comunal: repensando el Período Tardío del Noroeste Argentino,” Estudios Atacamenos, vol. 34, pp. 71–95, 2008.

A. E. Nielsen, “Plazas para los antepasados: descentralización y poder corporativo en las formaciones políticas preincaicas de los Andes Circumpuneños,” Estudios Atacameños, vol. 31, pp. 63–89, 2006.

A. E. Nielsen, “Pobres Jefes: Aspectos Corporativos en las Formaciones Sociales Pre-Inkaicas de los Andes Circumpuneños,” in Contra el Pensamiento Tipológico: Reflexiones Teóricas Actuales Sobre Complejidad Social, C. Gnecco and C. Langebaek, Eds., pp. 121–150, Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá, Colombia, 2006.

A. E. Nielsen, “Bajo el hechizo de los emblemas: políticas corporativas y tráfico interregional en los Andes circumpuneños,” in Procesos Sociales Prehispánicos en el sur Andino, A. E. Nielsen, M. C. Rivolta, V. Seldes, M. M. Vazquez, and P. Mercolli, Eds., pp. 207–236, Brujas, Córdoba, Spain, 2007.

A. E. Nielsen, “Armas significantes: tramas culturales, guerra y cambio social en el sur andino prehispánico,” Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, vol. 12, no. 1, pp. 9–41, 2007.

M. I. Hernández Llosas, “Inkas y españoles a la conquista simbólica del territorio Humahuaca: sitios, motivos rupestres y apropiación cultural del paisaje,” Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, vol. 11, no. 2, pp. 9–34, 2006.

M. S. Gheggi and V. Seldes, “Evidencias bioarqueológicas de conflicto ca. 1000–1432 A.D. en el Valle Calchaquí y la Quebrada de Humahuaca,” Intersecciones en Antropología, vol. 13, pp. 103–115, 2012.

T. D'Altroy, A. M. Lorandi, V. I. Williams et al., “Inka rule in the Northern Calchaquí Valley, Argentina,” Journal of Field Archaeology, vol. 27, no. 1, pp. 1–27, 2000.

C. H. Gifford, Local matters: encountering the imperial Inkas in the South Andes [Ph.D. Thesis], Columbia University, New York, NY, USA, 2003.

G. L. Mengoni Goñalons, “El aprovechamiento de la fauna en las sociedades complejas: aspectos metodológicos y su aplicación en diferentes contextos arqueológicos del NOA,” in Al Borde del Imperio, V. Williams and M. B. Cremonte, Eds., 2013.

M. F. Rodríguez, “Producción y consumo de recursos vegetales en el sitio Tolombón,” in Al Borde del Imperio, V. Williams and M. B. Cremonte, Eds., 2013.

Padre Hernando de Torreblanca, Relación Histórica de Calchaquí, Copia del Archivo de Río de Janeiro, Ediciones Culturales Argentinas, Ministerio de Educación y Justicia, 1984.

V. Williams and M. de Hoyos, “El entierro de Agua Verde. Variables bioarqueológicas para el estudio de la complejización social,” Intersecciones en Antropología, vol. 2, pp. 19–34, 2001.

F. de Aparicio, “Las Ruinas de Tolombón,” in Actas del XXVIII Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, pp. 569–582, Paris, France, 1948.

V. Williams, “Provincias y capitales. Una visita a Tolombón, Salta, Argentina,” Xama, vol. 15–18, pp. 177–198, 2002–2005.

V. Williams, “Nuevos datos sobre la prehistoria local en la quebrada de Tolombón, Pcia de Salta, Argentina. Local, Regional, Global: Prehistoria en los Valles Calchaquíes,” Anales Nueva Época, vol. 6, pp. 163–210, 2003.

J. Nastri, “La figura de las largas cejas de la iconografía santamariana. Chamanismo, sacrificio y cosmovisión calchaquí,” Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, vol. 13, no. 1, pp. 9–34, 2008.

M. Marchegiani, V. Palamarczuk, and A. Reynoso, “Las urnas negro sobre rojo tardías de Yocavil (Noroeste Argentino). Reflexiones en torno al estilo,” Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, vol. 14, no. 1, pp. 69–98, 2009.

M. G. Chaparro, M. P. Villegas, M. S. Gheggi, and L. Arechaga, “Obtención y consumo de alimentos: ingredientes básicos en las relaciones de poder en valles y quebradas del NOA,” in Libro de Resúmenes Ampliados del XVI Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina, vol. 2, pp. 105–110, 2007.

M. B. Cremonte and M. S. Gheggi, “Espacios rituales y cultura material en un sitio arqueológico Humahuaca-Inca (Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy, Argentina),” Revista Española de Antropología Americana, vol. 42, no. 1, pp. 9–27, 2012.

M. Orlando and R. Pappalardo, “El silencio de los inocentes. Informe preliminar sobre restos óseos de una tumba huaqueada en Tolombón,” in Entre Pasados y Presentes, pp. 353–363, V Jornadas de Jóvenes Investigadores en Antropología, Instituto Nacional de Antropología y Pensamiento Latinoamericano, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 2005.

M. B. Cremonte, S. M. Peralta, and A. Scaro, “Esquina de Huajra (Tum 10, Dto. Tumbaya, Jujuy). Avances en el conocimiento de una instalación Humahuaca Inca y su integración en la historia prehispánica regional,” Cuadernos del Instituto de Antropología y Pensamiento Latinoamericano, vol. 21, pp. 27–38, 2006-2007.

C. Angiorama, “La metalurgia en tiempos del Inca: estudio de objetos metálicos hallados en Esquina de Huajra (Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy),” in Al Borde del Imperio, V. Williams and M. B. Cremonte, Eds., 2013.

T. Bray, “To dine splendidly. Imperial pottery, commensal politics, and the Inca state,” in The Archaeology and Politics of Food and Feasting in Early States and Empires, T. Bray, Ed., pp. 93–142, Kluwer Academic/Plenum, New York, NY, USA, 2003.

G. L. M. Goñalons, “Camelid management during Inca times in N.W. Argentina: models and archaeological indicators,” Anthropozoologica, vol. 42, no. 2, pp. 129–141, 2007.

G. L. Mengoni Goñalons, “La domesticación de camélidos en el NOA: el aporte de los isótopos estables,” in Zooarqueología y Tafonomía en el Fin del Mundo, P. López, I. Cartajena, C. García, and F. Mena, Eds., pp. 133–144, Universidad Internacional Sek-Chile, Santiago, Chile, 2009.

R. G. Commisso and D. E. Nelson, “Patterns of plant δ ¹⁵N values on a Greenland Norse farm,” Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 34, no. 3, pp. 440–450, 2007.

A. F. Gil, G. A. Neme, and R. H. Tykot, “Stable isotopes and human diet in Central Western Argentina,” Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 38, no. 7, pp. 1395–1404, 2011.

B. L. Turner, J. D. Kingston, and G. J. Armelagos, “Variation in dietary histories among the immigrants of Machu Picchu: carbon and nitrogen isotope evidence,” Chungará, vol. 42, no. 2, pp. 515–534, 2010.

L. Baldini, “El espacio cotidiano: las casas prehispánicas tardías en el Valle Calchaquí, Salta,” in El Hábitat Prehispánico: Arqueología de la Arquitectura y de la Construcción del Espacio Organizado, M. E. Albeck, C. Scattolin, and A. Korstanje, Eds., pp. 53–75, Ediunju, San Salvador de Jujuy, Argentina, 2010.

R. Raffino, Excavaciones en el Churcal (Valle Calchaquí; República Argentina), vol. 8 of Revista del Museo de la Plata, 1984.

M. Tarragó and L. González, “Los Graneros: un caso de almacenaje incaico en el Noroeste Argentino,” Runa, vol. 24, pp. 123–149, 2003.

P. Stuart-Macadam and S. Kent, Diet, Demography, and Disease: Changing Perspectives on Anemia, Aldine de Gruyer, New York, NY, USA, 1992.

M. S. Gheggi, “Una perspectiva bioarqueológica en Esquina de Huajra,” in Al Borde del Imperio, V. Williams and M. B. Cremonte, Eds., 2013.

V. I. Williams, M. P. Villegas, M. S. Gheggi, and M. G. Chaparro, “Hospitalidad e intercambio en los valles mesotermales del Noroeste Argentino,” Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, vol. 9, pp. 335–372, 2005.

M. S. Gheggi, Un enfoque biocultural aplicado al estudio de entierros arqueológicos del Noroeste Argentino (ca. 1000–1550 A.D.) [Ph.D. thesis], Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 2011.

A. P. Han, C. Yu, L. Lu et al., “Heme-regulated EIF2α kinase (HRI) is required for translational regulation and survival of erythroid precursors in iron deficiency,” The EMBO Journal, vol. 20, no. 23, pp. 6909–6918, 2001.

P. L. Walker, R. R. Bathurst, R. Richman, T. Gjerdrum, and V. A. Andrushko, “The causes of porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia: a reappraisal of the iron-deficiency-anemia hypothesis,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 139, no. 2, pp. 109–125, 2009.

M. Medina, S. Grill, and M. L. López, “Palinología arqueológica: su implicancia en el estudio del prehispánico tardío de las sierras de Córdoba (Argentina),” Intersecciones en Antropología, vol. 9, pp. 99–112, 2008.

M. D. P. Babot, “La cocina, el taller y el ritual: explorando las trayectorias del procesamiento vegetal en el Noroeste Argentino,” Darwiniana, vol. 47, no. 1, pp. 7–30, 2009.

V. A. Killian Galván and C. Samec, “A cada uno su verdad culinaria: patrones paleodietarios y variables ambientales en el NOA,” in Entre Pasados y Presentes III. Estudios Contemporáneos en Ciencias Antropológicas, N. Kuperszmit, T. Marmol, L. Mucciolo, and M. Sacchi, Eds., pp. 487–508, Instituto Nacional de Antropología y Pensamiento Lationamericano, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 2011.